The difference is that in monarchy the sovereign qualifies to reign by birth and for life, while in democracy he or she is elected and has a limited period, fixed or otherwise.
That is why it is proper to say that there is now a new CCM, breathing and living on the rhythms of its new chairman Dr John Pombe Joseph Magufuli, to spell his name as he prefers. He inherits a hybrid CCM, of the present and that of the 2015 general election.
The CCM of the polls is still around, fighting incomprehensible wars around the issue of who betrayed the party during the elections, whereas it is agreed - up to and including the president himself - that the party and the government it ran, were in a paralytic state on deathbed, breathing with the aid of machine.
It was a chaotic mess of vampires using public institutions and coffers for colossal private gain, sending shockwaves to public when revealed. Just to mention a few instances, a top revenue official reportedly built more than 70 houses to rent allegedly at the expense of public coffers, while a top police officer owned 40 buildings.
Restoring sanity and rectitude in the manner in which government operates has unquestionably been the president's foremost priority, and he earned huge praise around the world.
If presumably the old CCM that campaigned for him to take over the presidency is still around, it constitutes of those who are shocked by this style of governance, those who expect that nature shall take its own course, and that nothing that has a beginning has no end.
They pray for calamity, so that life comes back to normal, to the good old times.
If we shed no tears for this CCM which is still hounding those who used to admit that there is a point in the campaign by ex-premier Edward Lowassa, in which case CCM itself was perfect at that point, there are fears as to current trends.
Home Affairs Minister Mwigulu Nchemba has lately said he had uncovered massive fraud chiefly involving a fictitious tender for new uniforms, and as in the Lugumi police equipment scandal, paid up virtually in total upfront.
The figure varies between Sh64bn and Sh94bn. The fact that this fraud was perpetrated right under the nose of the fifth phase authorities, and that so far a police commissioner or assistant commissioner in charge of its stores has been 'shifted to headquarters', says plenty of how far crucial state organs are not bothered by anti-corruption rhetoric. Nor are they concerned of the extent to which the public may feel the pressure. Media reports suggest that this initial fear has subsided, tactics have changed, so deals are cut again.
Remarks by former premier Frederick Sumaye suggest that one does not need to be in political opposition to note the level of corruption in state bodies that are hard to touch or from where it is arduously tough to weed out wrongdoers.
He says there is a sharp diminution of motivation among office holders in the public service up to top government levels. A disgruntled official works to disrupt rather than build up what is constructed or intended by the top authorities who rely on him.
During the first phase government, President Julius Nyerere kept on saying repeatedly that socialism, like democracy, was an attitude of mind, an act of faith, and that nothing can be built which people entrusted to take it forward but don't believe in it.
It is hard to say what portion of government is enthusiastic with current policy inclination as it disturbs their earning expectations and style of life generally.
The trouble is that it isn't just those at the top who complain but other steps, like the sugar import ban or demolitions, touch common citizens. That is altogether a long menu.
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